Grace and Greed in a People Movement to Christ in Nepal

by Mark Johnson

The most astonishing story to come out of the church in Nepal since its inception fifty years ago is the movement to Christ of a large number of people belonging to the Tamang community.

The most astonishing story to come out of the church in Nepal since its inception fifty years ago is the movement to Christ of a large number of people belonging to the Tamang community.

In this article I shall examine the movement in its social, cultural, economic and political context, and attempt to draw out lessons for church and missions today.

The Tamang people live in the hill districts surrounding the Kathmandu Valley (although communities can be found as far away as Nepal’s eastern and western borders). Speaking a pair of related Tibeto-Burman languages, the Tamang are thought to have originated from Tibet and migrated into their present heartland centuries ago.

A LOCALIZED SOCIETY
In the eighteenth century, the Tamang people were forcibly included in the new nation state of Nepal. According to anthropologist David Holm-berg, British army recruiters disliked the Tamangs because of their custom of eating carrion beef (1996, 27) and the small communities did not have a steady return of experienced army veterans who could bring in extra cash. Tamangs are not, however, considered untouchable. In fact, a small hamlet of untouchable Kami ironworkers (whose presence is tolerated due to the crafting services they provide) is often found on the edge of many Tamang villages. These Kami people are often landless and have less access to political power than the Tamangs.

The Tamangs’ proximity to the capital meant that they were more thoroughly subjugated by new rulers as well. Nevertheless, Tamang communities enjoyed relative autonomy from the central government until recently. Holmberg, who lived in a Tamang village, reports that until the 1970s, villagers “remained suspicious of administrative outsiders, and when they had to deal with the administration, they continued to do so through local headmen who carried influence” (1996, 46). The centrality of the village headman in Tamang life was significant.

Until the nineteenth century, the Tamang perspective of their communities was expressed by their relation to the wider Tibetan Buddhist world to the north. As they came increasingly under the control of the Nepalese state, however, their world became more oriented towards the centralizing authority of the Hindu monarchy in Kathmandu. This change in orientation and the lack of access to political and economic power caused Tamang communities to create an insular society reliant upon the village. For the most part, close social ties are restricted within the village and between neighboring villages.

TAMANG RELIGION
Tamangs invoke an endless number of beings, including local deities, pan-Hindu gods and malicious shades or demons. Tamang religion is analyzed under the complementary rites of three main ritual practitioners: lambus, bombos and lamas.

The lambus are sacrificers “who on behalf of… sponsors maintain an equilibrium with divine and malevolent agents through sacrifices or consecrated offerings” (1996, 119). The main sacrifices are performed either communally or by households working together. All such sacrifices are linked to the agricultural cycle. Other sacrifices are made to the gods of the locality and household gods at life-cycle rituals and during illness or misfortune. These propitiatory sacrifices are supplemented by the exorcism of malevolent beings when they are thought to be particularly threatening. According to Holmberg, the local gods are like local people: “Divinities are like headmen or kings, and harmful agents are like the lowly untouchables of village society in that the former are wanted but reluctant guests, the latter uninvited but persistent presences“(1996, 124).

In Tamang worldview, sacrifices bring back an order in which deities are dominant and evil spirits are banished to the margins.
Words also make sacrifices effective (1996, 132). The correct words uttered in the correct way are considered to have great magical power. The lambu is also a master of an oral ritual tradition employed along with the sacrifice to bring order back to the Tamang world.

Bombos are special mediators who carry out their work by means of “soundings,” in which the bombo “carries” and “tosses about” unwanted divine or demonic beings to negate their influence (1996, 146-150). Bombos are used in various contexts, when Tamangs cannot successfully treat an ailment (1996, 154).

HOUSEHOLDER LAMAS
Although of a Tibetan Buddhist tradition, Tamang lamas do not enter monasteries. The appropriation of disposable income by the state means that the support of a monastic community is impossible. Tamang lamas marry, build homes and farm like other members of society; however, lamas are accorded the highest respect in the village, along with the headman. Because of its isolation from Tibetan Buddhist power centers, Tamang Buddhism remained isolated for quite some time from the “rationalizing and universalizing orientations of greater monastic Buddhism” (1996, 176).

Lamas derive their ritual authority from the printed word, not by understanding the texts, but through initiation. It is not the meaning of the texts that conveys power, but the correct technique in invocation and chanting. Chanting of ritual texts and mantras is thought to re-impose order in the world and lamas are called to perform at life-cycle rituals such as the birth purification and the memorial death feast. During these death feasts, lamas serve as directors, reciting sacred texts and erasing the demerit of the dead, thus enabling the person’s spirit to pass over to the realm of the Buddhas (1996, 185). It is believed that without the ritual efforts of the lama, a proper rebirth is not possible and the soul of the dead becomes an evil spirit. Death rituals are the only essential Buddhist rites for Tamang villagers and through them the lama conveys important doctrines and values of Buddhism.

Among Tibeto-Burman-speaking peoples in the Himalaya, death rites occupy the most important place in social and ritual life. This is in stark contrast to the emphasis on marriage in the Hindu context. Death rites are events of social affirmation at a time in which the society seems to be threatened by death. Many households in this and other neighboring villages participate in an individual’s death rites. Each person has a significant role, and if that role is not filled, the very social order is threatened. Death rites also have legal significance. Those who sponsor memorial death feasts acquire the property and land from the dead person’s estate.

RECENT CHANGES
The economic condition of the Tamang people largely depends on their access to city markets, and in villages far from the city, great poverty exists. Literacy is also very low. One observer estimates that only twenty percent of Tamangs are literate.

Along with other communities, the Tamangs have experienced great changes in recent decades, especially since the restoration of democracy in 1990. According to Roman Catholic sociologist Blandine Ripart (who conducted fieldwork among the Tamangs in the late 1990s), changes can be understood by the effects of globalization (2001, 131ff). Since the 1980s, agricultural innovations have brought improvements to the life of the subsistence farmer and as a result, agricultural production has increased. Wage earning has also replaced traditional mutual aid groups. Party politics have also destroyed village insularity and have set up new alliances that transcend traditional loyalties.

ECONOMIC MIGRANTS
Large numbers of Tamang men have always migrated to earn cash in north India and Bhutan, especially during the winter months. According to Ripart, money earned during the migration for work was traditionally used to buy missing cereals for the family back home. Only a handful of rich people had surplus cash, which they spent on religious ceremonies (2001, 131ff).

Since 1990, however, migration to other economies, such as the Persian Gulf or Southeast Asia, has enabled many Tamangs to purchase a wide range of consumer goods now available in the city: sunglasses, radios, jeans, plastic buckets and flashlights. The migrations are playing an important role in social change, and foreign goods have become more important than participation in communal feasts. The Tamangs are increasingly integrating into the global labor economy and new values have emerged as the result of modern conceptions of waste and profit. The Tamangs have also become aware that their religion, like every aspect of their culture, is just one of a number of options in the modern world.

In the early 1990s, the first generation of school-educated children reached adulthood, which played a significant role in the changing Tamang community. These young adults questioned traditional Tamang culture—and often rejected it.

Additionally, the introduction of Western biomedicine through mission hospitals and primary health projects increased skepticism towards more traditional healing techniques. The effect was that the cost and efficacy of traditional rituals (and those who performed them) was called into question.

THE MOVEMENT TO CHRIST
The movement of Tamangs to Christ can be traced back to two significant events in the 1960s. First, two missionary Bible translators arrived at a Tamang village and were introduced to the schoolteacher. This is how the schoolteacher tells the story:

I was told by the village head to teach the visitors Tamang, as I had a little English and was educated. At that time I had no knowledge of Christianity. The whole village had no knowledge of Christianity or of English. So the ladies began learning Tamang with me. Together, for the following twenty years, the three of us worked on the translation of the New Testament.

Also that year, the ladies invited me to Kathmandu and took me to a small fellowship. It took me between two and four years to come to faith in Christ—not like people these days, who hear and straightaway say they believe. I was concerned about what would happen if a member of my family died. If I didn’t do the mourning rituals then a report would be lodged and I could be imprisoned for conversion and lose my inheritance.

During this time I witnessed to my wife, mother and father. My wife and mother came to faith fairly soon, but it took a long time, with much prayer, before my father, who was the deputy village head, accepted Christ. During that time I began to pray for healing of my neighbors in my home. People would be healed in answer to prayer and by around 1970 ten households had come to Christ. I then taught the believers and gave them baptism.

Soon Tamangs in neighboring villages also began to turn to Christ and form churches.

Through the ministry of one of Nepal’s leading pastors, two other men in a neighboring district also came to Christ at this time. This is one of the men’s stories:

I used to be a village lama in the hills of Dhading. I held a very respected position. Then my wife became sick. I tried everything I could think of to heal her but she did not get well. Then one day I found a Gospel of John and was impressed with its message. Soon after, Christians from a nearby village came to visit me. They were being persecuted so they asked me if they could stay in my village. Through these people I heard the gospel and soon trusted Christ myself. They also prayed in Jesus’ name for my wife and she was healed. Further persecution forced these believers to settle at Lamoghoda. I came to Lamoghoda some time later and established a church here.

The other man later migrated, pastoring thousands of Tamang believers in his new community. Conversion to Christ continued in this way for several years. However, by the late 1980s, things had changed. There was a great movement to Christ in one remote valley. Nearly twenty thousand Tamangs trusted Christ during this time (Ripart 2001, 131ff).

FOREIGN CASH
Before long, news of this great turning began to attract attention from surrounding areas and certain leaders of powerful churches began to woo Tamang congregations to join their denomination. Rumor has it that some leaders would offer the pastors up to $1,000 to construct a church building if the pastor would join their network. A number of congregations agreed.

Some time later, certain missionaries offered the very same churches much larger incentives to leave the first denomination and affiliate with their own. Massive buildings were constructed and the introduction of foreign money had a dramatic impact. Several pastors who had lived on a subsistence income absconded with the cash and built a house in town. A number of competent and educated men fell, leaving fellowships in their villages impoverished rather than prosperous.

LITERACY AND BIBLE TEACHING
One key leader estimates that there are now 50,000 Tamang Christians in 140 churches throughout Nepal, the vast majority of whom are affiliated with Protestant churches. Tamang Christian leaders appreciate the dearth of Bible teaching in the churches and it is recognized that if believers are to grow in their understanding of their new faith, they must be able to read the Bible in their own mother tongue. Sadly, many Tamang believers cannot read the Bible in their own tongue (the Western Tamang New Testament was published in 1990 and the Eastern Tamang translation has yet to come out). Those who do read have learned to do so in the national language of Nepali. Throughout the 1990s, a number of literacy initiatives began which resulted in an increase in sales of the Western Tamang New Testament.

Yet, although most churches in Tamang villages are made up entirely of Tamang people who speak the Tamang language, much of the worship continues to take place in Nepali. Although some hymns and songs are sung in Tamang, many untranslated Nepali songs are also used. The Bible translation read in most Tamang churches continues to be Nepali. Moreover, the sermon is also given in Nepali, with only main points being translated into Tamang.

NEW VALUES
There is clearly a relationship between the Tamang Christian movement and the political, social and cultural changes that have impacted Tamang society. The spread of development projects sponsored by the state, NGOs or missions, with their inevitable political and cultural impact, cannot be ignored. The position of the lambu and bombo are threatened not only by the Christian promise of direct prayer to a compassionate God but also by the construction of hospitals and health posts. The importance of ritual practitioners is compromised by schoolteachers and development workers. Ripart goes so far as to assert that “the map of the diffusion of Christianity… follows that of the construction of hospitals and schools” (2001, 139). According to Ripart, the Christian movement boomed when the first batch of educated young men was coming of age:

These educated youth, who gain an important political power thanks to their literacy, are the main actors of the christianization process, since they are the ones who will become the local “pastors,” being the only ones able to read the Bible to the older villagers. (2001, 136)

Additionally, the cost of being Christian in monetary terms is less than that of staying faithful to traditional ritual practices. Often, it is commented that one is no longer impoverished by the need to make sacrifices to the gods. Moreover, Christians can go directly to God in prayer without having to call a mediator. The Tamangs rejoice at the Reformation doctrine of the priesthood of believers. It must be noted, however, that the new cultural climate, with its emphasis on individual choice, predisposes people to such an acceptance.

THE PLACE OF THE BIBLE
In the midst of widespread illiteracy, it is remarkable that the Word of God in a translation understandable to the people has been so significant to this movement. The lama mentioned above, whose religious life focused on sacred texts, was first drawn to Christ by the Gospel of John. Christian leaders emphasize the importance of teaching new congregations. However, traditional Tamang conceptions of the sacred text are not fully compatible with a robust biblical view. When Holmberg asked several Christians how they cured themselves, “they said they now place the Bible on their foreheads and pray and avoid the expense of sacrifice” (1996, xix). Such a magical belief points to a lack of change of worldview. Clearly, the grounds for confidence in the Word of God needs to be explained.

CONTEXTUALIZATION OR SYNCRETISM?
Although Tamang Christians usually do not use the services of the lambu or bombo, it is commonly recognized that many are continuing to use village lamas for the death of family members (1996, xxi). Church leaders believe this results from a lack of Christian teaching. It would seem to me that the situation is far more complex. The memorial death feast is central in Tamang social life and considered essential to the maintenance of societal well-being. The key figure in the death feast is the lama. Since Christians die, it is understandable that the services of such a central figure in Tamang social life would be requested. This may be an example of syncretism, but we must be careful to not simply condemn such a practice without trying to understand it in its cultural and social context. Must the Tamang Christian abandon the death feast altogether or is there a place for the lama, even when his ritual function is no longer required? Must Christians break social ties?

We must encourage Tamang Christians to think through issues from a biblical perspective. Outsiders need to help their brothers and sisters in Christ to reflect on their particular situation in light of biblical principles. This can only happen if we give ourselves to thoroughly understanding the Tamang way of life.

References
Holmberg, David. 1996. Order in Paradox, Myth, Ritual, and Exchange among Nepal’s Tamang. (South Asian edition) Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers.

Ripart, Blandine. 2001. “Innovations among the Poor: Conversions to Christianity in Central Nepal” In Profiles of Poverty and Networks of Power. ed. Anand Amaladass, 131ff. Madurai, India: DACA Publications.

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Mark Johnson is the pen name of the editor of the Nepal-focused bhaktivani website .

Copyright © 2006 Evangelism and Missions Information Service (EMIS). All rights reserved. Not to be reproduced or copied in any form without written permission from EMIS.

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